Introduction The heroic upsurge of the Azanian South African people against the racist South African regime has been going on for well over a year and a half. We have witnessed mass demonstrations, strikes, boycotts, etc. These have been subject to violent repression by the regime, which has led to the deaths of some 1, people, according to the regime's own count. But even these killings have led to new mass demonstrations, as thousands have attended the funerals, to mourn the casualties as well as to organize for further actions.
Executive Summary Perhaps the most contested question from the presidential election is what factors motivated white working-class voters to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton by a margin of roughly two to one.
New analysis by PRRI and The Atlantic, based on surveys conducted before and after the election, developed a model to test a variety of potential factors influencing support for Trump among white working-class voters.
The model identifies five significant independent predictors of support for Trump among white working-class voters. No other factors were significant at conventional levels. Overall, the model demonstrates that besides partisanship, fears about immigrants and cultural displacement were more powerful factors than economic concerns in predicting support for Trump among white working-class voters.
Moreover, the effects of economic concerns were complex—with economic fatalism predicting support for Trump, but economic hardship predicting support for Clinton. Identification with the Republican Party.
Identifying as Republican, not surprisingly, was strongly predictive of Trump support. White working-class voters who identified as Republican were 11 times more likely to support Trump than those who did not identify as Republican.
No other demographic attribute was significant. Fears about cultural displacement. White working-class voters who say they often feel like a stranger in their own land and who believe the U.
Support for deporting immigrants living in the country illegally. White working-class voters who favored deporting immigrants living in the country illegally were 3. White working-class voters who said that college education is a gamble were almost twice as likely to express a preference for Trump as those who said it was an important investment in the future.
Those who reported being in fair or poor financial shape were 1. Gender, age, region, and religious affiliation were not significant demographic factors in the model. Views about gender roles and attitudes about race were also not significant.
It is also notable that neither measure of civic engagement—attendance at civic events or religious services—proved to be a significant independent predictor of support for Trump. White working-class Americans also make up a disproportionate number of those living in rural areas.
Union membership varies starkly among the white working class by geographic region and political affiliation. The Northeast stands out as the region where white working-class Americans are most likely to be unionized.
Only eight percent of white working-class Southerners say the same.
Union membership also varies among the white working class by political affiliation. White working-class independents mirror the white working class overall.
The generational differences in religious affiliation among white working-class Americans are more pronounced than among the general public.
More than eight in ten white working-class seniors age 65 and older identify as Christian: Among white working-class young adults agesonly about four in ten identify as Christian: Young adults age who are white working class are more likely to identify as religiously unaffiliated than young adults overall.As the open source movement reaches the two-decade milestone, thoughts turn to the movement's achievements and future goals.
The labor history of the United States describes the history of organized labor, US labor law, and more general history of working people, in the United plombier-nemours.coming in the s, unions became important components of the Democratic plombier-nemours.comr, some historians have not understood why no Labor Party emerged in the United States, in contrast to Western Europe.
The growing precariousness of the working class and the declining significance of unions has given rise to precarious politics: non-union struggles by insecurely employed and low-income plombier-nemours.com what conditions do unions incorporate these struggles as part of a broader labor movement?
A Note and a disclaimer. The Note: This great book should really be read by plombier-nemours.com is difficult to describe why it so great because it both teaches and inspires. You really just have to read it. Class conflict, frequently referred to as class warfare or class struggle, is the tension or antagonism which exists in society due to competing socioeconomic interests and .
In the United States, the concept of a working class remains vaguely defined, and classifying people or jobs into class can be contentious. Economists and pollsters in the United States generally define "working class" adults as those lacking a college degree,  rather than by occupation or income.